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Objectives for behavioral driver safety programs

By: Lawrence P. Lonero and Kathryn M. Clinton

Date: Tuesday, 29. December 2009

Larry Lonero and Kathryn Clinton are principals of Northport Associates, a consulting company based in Ontario, Canada.

Table of Contents

Behavior change in health and safety
Introduction
Changing behavior
Attitudes
Motivation
Models of behavior change

Learning (again) from health disciplines
The public health roots of road safety
Health promotion
Health promotion models
Applying a health promotion program model to driver behavior change

Objectives for behavioral driver safety programs
Appropriate outcome measures
Intermediate and ultimate objectives

Synergistic linking of behavioral influences
Facilitating protective behaviors

A conceptual model for managing driver influence programs
Legislation, enforcement, education, and reinforcement

Organizational behavior change for managing behavioral influences

Summary

Selected bibliography

Behavior change in health and safety

Introduction

In road safety there has been a tension between passive strategies, which engineer safer environments, and behavioral strategies, which try to influence people to act more safely. Passive approaches have been emphasized over the last three decades, partly because of the weak behavioral technologies available in the past. Leichter (1991) chronicled the 1960s history of the move toward vehicle safety and other passive measures in the U.S. and Britain. He quotes Ralph Nader on the relative merits of vehicle-focused and human-focused approaches to safety: "our society knows a great deal more about building safer machines than it does about getting people to behave safely." However, as the potential for further engineering improvements declines, it has become clear that modification of behavior is also essential to effective road safety management. Fortunately, research and development in a variety of fields can now provide a selection of potentially effective influence models and tools.

Much time and vast resources have been spent worldwide in search of a single, best behavioral approach, but it is clear that no single behavior influence technique can provide a "silver bullet" to solve all driver behavior problems. Influencing people to adopt safer, healthier, and environmentally-sustainable behaviors has become a major societal challenge. This experience shows that modifying individual human behaviors in support of the common good is a subtle and complex business. Even the simplest of behaviors is determined by a complex mix of biological, psychological, and socio-cultural factors. A clear conceptual structure for theory, research, and practice is needed to guide improvement of driver behavior and the management of road safety in general.

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Changing behavior

Attitudes

In discussing behavior change the first need is to address the popular belief that risky driving and other injury-producing behavior is generally caused by attitudes. The common-sense belief seems to be that if only we could change attitudes, appropriate behavior would follow. Howarth (1988) has succinctly summarized the relation between attitudes and behavior as follows:

It has been frequently demonstrated that attitudes are easier to change than behavior and that a verbally expressed belief...may not be reflected in any increase in the related and easily observable behavior. In contrast it has frequently been demonstrated that changes in behavior, induced by environmental pressure, can lead to a change in verbally expressed attitudes, usually in the direction which justifies the new form of behavior (p.527).

A more recent OECD review of road safety attitude change measures came to similar conclusions (OECD, 1994). The OECD committee suggest that attitude has come to be used as an over-inclusive term to cover all internal causes of behavior and, as such, has little further value. Clearly, a much more comprehensive understanding of drivers' cognitive and motivational influences is needed for a successful approach to behavior change.

Motivation

Most of drivers' safety-related behaviors have important knowledge and ability components, and changes in behavior may require enhancing cognitive and psychomotor skills. However, motivational factors are most critical. Motives both energize and direct behavior. They are very important to high and consistent levels of performance in protective behaviors, and are critical to change. Strong motives typically compensate for weak abilities better than strong abilities compensate for weak motives. More effective safety promotion requires a clearer and more precise understanding of motives and of the internal and external handles through which they can be adjusted.

Two fundamental types of motivations are important. First are personal motivators, the wide range of individual drives and needs, both internal and external. Internal personal motivators include self-control and autonomy, personal values, risk tolerance, emotions, and stimulus seeking. External personal motivators include the utility functions of extrinsic incentives and disincentives.

Second are social-responsibility motivators, in which needs, benefits, and disbenefits beyond those of the individual come into play. Responsibility activators can involve culturally-determined influences-community values, leadership, conscientious role modeling, pro-social behavior, and other group functions, such as Geller's "active caring." The last is an effective concern with safe actions, especially for the safety of others rather than oneself (Geller, 1996).

All motivators must be carefully considered and addressed if an intervention is to be effective at the behavioral level. How an intervention is intended to affect these factors should be explicitly specified and supportable by theory and, ideally, by data.

Models of Behavior Change

Lonero et al. (1994) categorized general models of behavior change along a continuum between those that make explicit assumptions about internal, mental processes and those that do not. Examples of the first are cognitive models, such as Social Learning Theory (Bandura, 1989), and Azjen and Fishbein's Theory of Reasoned Action, and its update, the Theory of Planned Behavior (see Parker et al., 1992). The behaviorist approach, which limits itself to externally observable events, avoiding mental concepts, is represented by Applied Behavior Analysis (e.g., Geller, 1988, 1996; Geller and Ludwig, 1990).

Positioned between behavioral and cognitive models are the risk, utility, decision, and game models. They focus on observable behavior and external influences, but they also postulate internal functions, such as subjective risk and expected utility. These models are largely descriptive and not behavior change models, in the sense that they do not deal primarily with learned, lasting changes. However, in describing functions of probabilities, payoffs, and choices, these models and can be viewed as prescriptions for behavior change (see Bjornskau and Elvik, 1988; Rothengatter, 1988; Wilde, 1985a; Wilde and Murdoch, 1982).

It is not possible to detail even the leading general behavior change models for the purposes of this paper. However, to gain a flavor of their applicability, we include Nelson and Moffit's (1988) outline of the implications of six models for increasing voluntary seat belt use:

One major omission from this list is the Social Marketing approach to influencing behavior (Kotler & Roberto, 1989). This approach is a development of commercial marketing and market research, applying proven techniques of selling products to the selling of socially desirable ideas and practices. Lefebvre and Flora (1988) provided a distillation of social marketing into eight components:

  1. consumer orientation
  2. emphasis on voluntary exchanges of goods and services
  3. research in audience analysis and segmentation
  4. use of formative research in product or message design and the pretesting of these materials
  5. analysis of distribution (or communication) channels
  6. use of the "marketing mix" blending product, price, and promotion characteristics
  7. process tracking system with both integrative and control functions
  8. management through problem analysis, planning, implementation and feedback.

Models such as Social Marketing and Diffusion of Innovations (Rogers, 1983) operate at a broader, societal scale rather than focusing on individuals. The most comprehensive models come not from general behavior change theory but from the field of health promotion. Compared to road safety, health promotion is far ahead in theory and policy support, but it too is somewhat weak in empirically-proven effectiveness. The most comprehensive health promotion models are sufficiently broad and detailed to actually provide useful guidance in planning potentially effective influence programs for driver safety and other self-protective behaviors.

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Learning (again) from health disciplines

The public health roots of road safety

Epidemiology and public health had a profound effect on the direction of road safety progress in the 1960s. Haddon's driver/vehicle/roadway model is a translation of the epidemiologists' host/agent/environment model of disease propagation.

Road safety focused on road improvements in the 1950s and 60s and vehicle standards in the 1970s. In the 1980s, vehicle standards rulemaking was much reduced in North America. The main preoccupations became behavioral: voluntary then mandatory seat belt use; and efforts to reduce impaired driving. The health field moved from infrastructure augmentation in the 1950s, through improving access to medical care in the 1960s, to containing medical costs in the 1970s.

Health promotion

The 1980s saw renewed concern with health-related behaviors, and lifestyles, and a rapid growth of health promotion theory and action. Health promotion is the behavioral offspring of public health and health education. It may now be past a (perhaps cyclical) peak of enthusiasm for behavioral solutions and moving toward a balance of behavioral, environmental, and policy approaches. Indeed, focus on behavior has been criticized as "blaming the victim" (e.g., Baker, 1981; NCIPC, 1989; Gielen, 1992; Robertson, 1987).

Jonah's (1990) introduction to a special issue of Health Education Research was entitled "Preventing road accident casualties: Integrating two solitudes." Jonah pointed out that research on health promotion and road safety have remained isolated from one another in most jurisdictions. A possible exception is the Canadian province of Quebec, which has had an active involvement of community health departments in road safety. Jonah proposed that the disparate fields have much to learn from one another, and that theories of common applicability could provide linkages. Jonah indicated that while education is a necessary program component, it is not enough, and that motivation needs to be "created" by persuasion, incentives, and deterrence.

Both health promotion and driver safety have seen some widespread improvements in some target behaviors in the 1980s. Examples are moderate smoking reduction and substantial seat belt use. For both however, individual behavior change has proven difficult. Unlike road safety, health promotion has strong, centralized policy support at all levels, because the economic stakes are seen to be so enormous. The stakes in road safety are high, but they are little known at policy levels in many jurisdictions. Health promotion policies typically recognize the contribution of road injuries to health problems, but so far the solutions they propose reflect poor understanding of road crashes, and they lack specificity and direct application.
Models and theories now abound to explain why and how to influence specific behaviors that may help one to become and stay safe and healthy. In contrast with driver safety, health promotion is, by definition, a combination of influences. The consensus of experts is that behavior change is most likely in comprehensive, multisectoral, participative, and socially-supported lifestyle interventions. This implies two conceptually simple but organizationally difficult factors are critical for success:

1) linking and coordinating of influences, and
2) longitudinal planning that builds on earlier gains.

While the health promotion field is relatively young, its literature is extensive, covering programs which attempt to influence all types of health-related behaviors including disease prevention (chronic heart disease, cancer, AIDS), diet and nutrition, fitness and active living, injury prevention, maternal/newborn care, smoking prevention and cessation, and alcohol and other substance abuse.

Health promotion models

Lonero et al. (1994) identified six categories of behavior change theories and models specifically aimed at health promotion:

  1. Socio-psychological (e.g., Health Belief Model, Janz and Becker, 1984; Protection Motivation Theory, Rogers, 1983)
  2. Ecological (e.g., Ecological Model for Health Promotion, McLeroy et al., 1988; Social Ecology of Health Promotion, Stokols, 1992; Socioenvironmental Approach, Labonte, 1993)
  3. Program-oriented (e.g., PRECEDE/PROCEED, Green and Kreuter, 1991; MATCH, Simons-Morton et al., 1988)
  4. Communication (e.g., Communications-Persuasion Matrix, McGuire, 1984; Communication-Behavior Change Approach, Solomon and Maccoby, 1984; Hyndman et al., 1993)
  5. Second generation (e.g., Leventhal and Cameron, 1987; Siegrist, 1988; Godin and Shephard, 1990)
  6. Integrative (e.g., Transtheoretical Model of Change, Prochaska et al., 1992; Theory of Health-Related Behavior Change, University of Edinburgh, 1989; Social Problem Solving Model, Ewart, 1990, 1991; Model of Positive Health, Seeman, 1989; System Model of Health Behavior Change, Kersell and Milsum, 1985; The Mandala of Health, Hancock and Perkins, 1985; Triadic Theory of Influence, Flay and Petraitis, 1993).

These are in addition to the more general behavior change models previously discussed. Health promotion reflects its roots in health education, and it subsumes various educational approaches, including school programs, mass media, social marketing, and community programs.

Applying a health promotion program model to driver behavior change

PRECEDE/PROCEED is a very comprehensive program model, and it serves as an example for development of the driver safety behavioral program outlined later (Green and Kreuter, 1991). PRECEDE stands for Predisposing, Reinforcing, and Enabling Constructs in Educational Diagnosis and Evaluation. PROCEED stands for Policy, Regulatory, and Organizational Constructs in Educational and Environmental Development. PRECEDE is an amalgamation of seven behavior change models and/or theories.

The identification of priorities and setting of objectives in the PRECEDE phases provide the criteria for policy, implementation and evaluation in the PROCEED phases. This model addresses the essential need for comprehensive program planning in effective behavior change programs. A series of phases in the planning, implementation and evaluation of health promotion programs is presented:

  1. social diagnosis
  2. epidemiological diagnosis
  3. behavioral and environmental diagnosis
  4. educational and organizational diagnosis
  5. administrative and policy diagnosis
  6. implementation
  7. process evaluation
  8. impact evaluation
  9. outcome evaluation.

Theory and experience dictates that comprehensive behavior influence program planning must be based on:

The framework of effective health promotion takes into account the multiple factors that shape health-related behaviors, and it assists with the identification of a specific subset of these factors as targets for intervention

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Objectives for behavioral driver safety programs

Appropriate outcome measures

Both driver safety and health promotion have to confront the issues of defining successful outcomes. Is it enough to change apparently-related knowledge, attitudes, or even behavior, or must we also look for some ultimate measures of effectiveness, such as incidence of injury and disease, measures of well-being, or length of life before deciding that a program is effective?

It is important to draw distinctions between the different measures of effectiveness of driver safety programs, especially behavioral ones, as discussed more fully by Wilde (1993b). Influencing behavior is quite an accomplishment in its own right. However, it is possible to change behavior without changing losses or to change, say, losses per unit of exposure without changing other indicators, such as losses per capita. If driver safety is viewed as a public health or health cost issue, then per capita based loss measures are preferable. If we view driver safety as a transportation problem, mobility-based measures, such as deaths per kilometer driven, are preferred. One might imagine a broader, societal-level perspective, which trades off health and mobility concerns to maximize some higher societal value, but at present these trade offs occur only implicitly as part of political and bureaucratic decisions.

Intermediate and ultimate objectives

McCormick and Skrabenek (1988) reviewed the effects of the large-scale heart disease demonstration programs and concluded that the lack of reduction in age-adjusted mortality points to the failure of these programs. Gunning-Schepers et al., (1989) commented that the expectations of these programs were "too optimistic" that the multifaceted nature of risk, the time required for risk reduction, and the possibility of risk reduction independent of interventions may all explain a lack of apparent effect. These authors suggest that interventions cannot be assessed solely from the perspective of one risk factor. A program that reduces smoking will likely impact health as a totality, not only the reduction of cardiovascular disease. They also comment that intermediate outcomes, such as a healthier life and a more enjoyable lifestyle are appropriate health intervention goals. We have not yet seen analogous intermediate objective develop in road injury prevention.

Fries et al. (1989) suggested the primary purpose of most health promotion activities in developed societies is to improve quality of life, to "compress" morbidity, and to extend active life expectancy. They suggested that neither prevention nor curative interventions are particularly effective in reducing overall mortality rates today, but prevention can reduce morbidity, improve the quality of life, and save everyone money. Others have suggested that the predominant lifestyle approach aimed at voluntary behavior change is not the answer (McKinlay, 1993; Price et al., 1989). McKinlay commented,

As we struggle to find innovative approaches to primary and secondary prevention, focusing particularly on the individual at-risk behaviors of vulnerable subgroups of our society, it is important to be aware that we are dealing with only half the problem: government policies, organizational priorities and practices and professional behaviors may be more amenable to modification. ... Our challenge is to move beyond personal attributes and find ways to bring planned and gradual changes in the sociopolitical system into efforts at primary and secondary prevention (McKinlay, 1993, pp.110, 112-113).

It is clear that driver behavior is as much determined by social, economic, and cultural factors as are other health-related behaviors. Driver safety can learn from health promotion to focus on a broader view of well-being, rather than simply on the absence of disease or injury. A concept such as the efficient, responsible, or "coherent" driver could be a useful analog of the healthy person (e.g., Antonovsky, 1979; Seeman, 1989). The strength of natural linkages among various health and safety behaviors is not yet clear, but potential clustering of diverse protective behaviors should be considered when seeking to influence driver behavior.

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Synergistic linking of behavioral influences

Facilitating protective behaviors

Influencing evolving social norms may support protective motives and a sort of response facilitation; that is, adopting one new behavior may make it easier to try another. While it remains to be demonstrated, it seems plausible that some one who has, say, spent time to keep fit and teach his/her children to cross roads safely might be more likely to take further actions to protect the "investment" they have already made in protection. Alternatively, there are also likely to be limits to how much an individual is willing to "spend" to reduce risk -as individuals, we may have a finite "protection budget."

There are a number of ways in which it would be desirable to link health and safety in pursuit of influencing drivers. First is through the transfer of the strongest change-change and program-planning models of health promotion to driver safety, which is relatively impoverished in terms of theory and comprehensive models.

The second desirable link is to improve the sophistication of knowledge where driver behaviors are adopted as an objective of injury prevention and other health promotion programs. Health-industry based road safety programs often seem well organized and intentioned but lacking in sophistication. For example, a trauma prevention group has been promoting advanced driver training, apparently unaware that such programs have often been shown to increase the incidence of crashes. The transfer of behavioral knowledge and technology between driver safety and health promotion should be a two-way exchange; neither field has a lock on the best information.

The third link is at the level of program operations, expanding comprehensive joint programs and resolving organizational barriers to more cooperative efforts in driver safety. The fourth needed link is at the level of individual protective behaviors and motives. If individuals have a finite protection budget-limited motivational or attentional capacity for self-protection -then this should be known and means of adding resources to this budget should be explored. If there is a societal trend toward individuals showing broader or stronger protective motivation, this should be jointly exploited for health and safety ends.

The critical variables to increase the potential of health promotion programs are well documented and some successes are evident. The clear consensus is that comprehensive, multifaceted community-based approaches are more effective than single intervention approaches. Interventions structured within a theoretical framework are more likely to be empirically grounded and perhaps more likely to demonstrate effects. Sensitivity to target group variables is essential, as are identification of barriers to adoption, responsiveness to environments, and policy support. The need for social and organizational change, as well as individual change, must be considered as should the potential for long-term change.

Health promotion starts out a step ahead of driver safety, in that by definition it is a combination of education and other influences. Both fields share the problems of finding efficient ways to put disparate influences together and keep them working together. Given the enormous and conspicuous costs of sickness care, the resources and motivation to accomplish these tough tasks have developed first in health promotion. Perhaps driver safety can benefit from its example.

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A conceptual model for managing driver influence programs

Legislation, enforcement, education, and reinforcement

There are four broad classes of tools with which to influence driver behavior: legislation, enforcement, education, and reinforcement (or behavior analysis methods). Much evidence suggests that the tools are not currently used to the maximum of their capability. The range of possible behavior change program designs is large, and it is important to assess which tools show the most promise and in what combinations. It is becoming clear that the most promising possibilities are in the areas between, where they support each other in synergistic effects.

To change the factors influencing driver behavior, we have to be able to plan broadly and in considerable detail. A conceptual matrix may be useful for planning and managing behavioral influences. The three principal dimensions of the basic level of the matrix are: 1) Behavioral Performance Targets; 2) Change-Change Method Domains; and 3) Driver Population Segments.

The cells of the matrix would display existing or planned initiatives. The matrix could be used to examine linkages between initiatives in different domains, and to highlight program gaps and aid in achieving more comprehensive planning of change-change programs. The three principal dimensions of the matrix can be further broken down into more refined categories. For instance, any countermeasure program must be targeted to, or have special components for, specific population segments. For use in cataloguing or planning it would often be useful to further segment the target group rows, for instance by demographic, geographic, or other market-segment factors. For a given type of behavior, different population segments may have the behavior elicited by quite different environmental conditions and involve different motives. As a simple example, speeding may be supported primarily by economic motives for commercial drivers, while some young speeders may be seeking stimulation or competence-mastery feedback. For many countermeasures such differences could be critical to success.

The matrix can be extended to a fourth dimension to account for the wide range of organizations that deliver behavioral interventions to drivers. Some interventions are delivered by several organizations in a single jurisdiction, e.g., driver safety education of different types is delivered by government departments, police, municipalities, community groups, insurance companies, private safety associations, motor clubs, manufacturers, fast food outlets, and so on. Gaps, duplications, overlaps, and synergistic linkages could be identified on the organizational dimension. For active management of a comprehensive program it would be more efficient to maintain the matrix in an electronic database.

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Organizational behavior change for managing behavioral influences

The critical management issues for the future of driver safety are coordination, evaluation, and accountability. Coordination is critical because the multicausal nature of driver behavior requires multifaceted programs for effective change. Coordination of programs, however, runs against organizational boundaries and bureaucratic interests. This expands behavior change to include the tougher problems of organizational behavior change. Safety management may have to find out what various stakeholder organizations need to support their own specific objectives and help provide it as exchange for the organizations' support of safety objectives. Organizations respond to incentives and disincentives as reliably as do individuals.

Evaluation is critical for behavioral interventions. Large-scale behavioral interventions should be seen as experiments and evaluated as such. No behavioral program, however carefully planned, can be assumed to work without empirical data. The influence process is too complex to rely on simple program standards, manual specifications, or cookbook solutions. If there is to be progress in driver safety management, it will be knowledge driven. The knowledge for continued refinement of behavioral technology will only become available through objective, empirical evaluation. All behavior change methods should be seen as experimental.

Accountability for safety outcomes is critical because organizations, like individuals, will only change their approach when they are motivated to do so. The "payoffs" received by organizations with responsibility for driver safety are rarely contingent upon success in reducing the severity of the problem. Transfer of behavioral technology, coordination of multifaceted programs, and evaluation and refinement of interventions will not likely occur under existing organizational structures. Techniques of organizational behavior change are needed to support individual behavior change as part of effective driver safety management.

Brown (1986) concluded his Ergonomics Society Lecture with this statement,

...our current problems in road safety seem largely institutional...Road safety thus appears to have a low status among government policy makers and I can see little prospect of improving safety until this roadblock is removed, perhaps by the creation of a separate government department with overall responsibility for transport safety (p.1503).

While Brown's suggestion sounds at first like a prescription for further bureaucratizing of driver safety, he supports it by pointing out the need for accountability for safety. Without accountability there is no need to evaluate programs, and without evaluation there can be little progress toward more effective programs.

As an example of the steps required to manage development of effective behavior change, an iterative, "adaptive programming" model was identified, shown in Figure 1, pg 11. The process outlined is analogous to the PRECEDE/PROCEED health promotion planning model (Green and Kreuter, 1991). It differs from typical program planning in driver safety in broad priority setting and empirical diagnosis of current behaviors (and underlying influences). The model assesses the organizational environment as part of the background to planning. It stresses formative and summative evaluation, with feedback and adaptive revision. The evaluations shown in Phases 9 and 12 feed back outcome information and social validity/acceptability information.

If a behavior change intervention is successful in the initial operational implementation, then monitoring probes and maintenance plans will be needed to sustain the effects.

If outcome evaluation shows loss of effect between pilot and operational implementation, scale or organizational problems would be assessed and refinements sought at the level of Phase 10 and a re-refined design and organization implemented. The process and organization would learn and develop as it functions and receives feedback. "Adaptive programming" is guided by theory initially, but frequent feedback on results provides an ongoing reality check and shapes the operational program empirically.

Critical details of influence programs are partially predictable from known principles of behavioral psychology, making technology transfer crucial and rewarding. Driver behavior can be influenced, but lasting safety improvements will only result from interventions that enhance motivation, internal controls, and social norms. These major impacts are not easily achieved, and they are only possible with astute management and adaptive programs.

Legislation, enforcement, reinforcement, and education all have strong potential for influencing driver behavior and moving it in desirable directions. However, much of the potential will be wasted if they are allowed to operate in isolation. Community-based programs provide useful examples for coordination of interventions at the local level, but wider examples at the provincial or state level in North America are rare. Organizational behavior change will ultimately be as important as individual behavior change in determining the future of effective driver influence programs.

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Summary

The purpose of this paper was to provide an introduction to the theoretical and empirical bases for intervention development likely to change drivers" behavior and reduce injuries in road accidents. General models and those directed to health and safety-related behaviors were reviewed, as well as behavior change programs and related societal responses, such as legislation and enforcement. The effects of legislation and enforcement are limited by psychological, social, economic, and political realities, but effects can be enhanced through strategic linkages with other influences. Various forms of health and safety education were reviewed, and only the most sophisticated programs seem to have measurable effects. The potential of incentive programs, prompting, feedback, participation, and other analytic-analytic methods were assessed and found to be the most promising among isolated interventions, but these methods are rarely applied in government or other large-scale safety programs.

Health promotion starts out a step ahead of road safety, being a combination of education and other influences, and having developed the most comprehensive planning models. There are many benefits to be gained from linking health and safety influences. Habitual, health and safety related behaviors are so strongly determined that a broad range of influences must be applied to effect lasting change. While some influences are inherently stronger than others, few work well all alone, and most can add weight to a well-planned multifaceted program. Organizational behavior change is needed to permit coordinated influence programs. What is needed for effective safety management is a varied, optimized "portfolio" of behavioral influences that takes advantage of the strengths of each and of synergistic effects between them. Lasting positive influence is most likely in a dynamic "adaptive programming" management environment.

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